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Perfecerunt Hollandi - The Dutch have done it
Introduction
[S]chep moed, en wanhoop niet,
Maer volgh gehoorzaem na het geen1 u God gebied.
Zijn wil is, dat ghy treckt na'et vette land van Pruissen,
Daer uit het Poolsch geberght de Wijsselstroom koomt ruisschen.
Die d'oevers rijck van vrucht genoeghelijck2 bespoelt.
Verhou u3 daer, en wacht tot dat de wraeck verkoelt.
Ghy zult in dit gewest een stad, Nieuw Holland, bouwen,
En in gezonde lucht, en weelige landouwen,
Vergeten al uw leet, en overbrogten druck;
Waer door uw naezaet klimt den bergh4 op van 't geluck5.
Odwagi nabierz, poniechaj rozpaczy,
Słuchaj tego, co sam Bóg rozkazać ci raczy,
Wolą jest jego, byś osiadł aż w Prusów krainie,
Przez nią, hen od gór polskich Wisła szemrząc płynie,
Łagodnie obmywając brzegi urodzajne.
Tam czekaj, aż tu zgasną żądze zemsty marne,
W tym świecie lepszym syn twój miasto — Nową Holandię zbuduje,
Ty o smutku zapomnisz, który Cię frasuje6.
In the drama Gysbreght van Aemstel, Joost van de Vondel (1587-1679), called by some the Dutch Shakespeare7, shares his knowledge about the first Lowlands settlers that came to Pasłęk (today’s Poland) at the invitation from the Teutonic Order. Although the drama was inspired by the happenings of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, its message was rather contemporary: it concerned the exodus of Spaniards-repressed Mennonites, with whom the poet sympathized8.
This text was designed with a particular sentiment in mind: one that Van de Vondel has well illustrated in the above lines. It is the sentiment of a settler arriving in an unknown land and subordinating nature to their needs, building civilization out of the bare earth. It persists in the wind, hitting the cheeks of a Flemish peasant who sees the Gdańsk port looming through the mist, with his whole life left behind forever. It’s a sentiment that hardly ever can be considered outside the post-colonial context. This time I believe we’ll be looking at such a rare example. Who were these people? What made them come to Poland, and how their life there looked like? What was their influence on the local environment, and how did this all influence their identities? That’s what this essay intends to cover.
What have they left behind
The XVI century was a time of intense political and intellectual turmoil. In 1517 an Augustine friar, Martin Luther, posted his 95 theses on the walls of All Saints' Church in Wittenberg, initiating what would later be called Reformation10. It didn't take long after Luther‘s outcoming for theologians to start voicing that his and Zwingli's views should be taken to their logical conclusions. Believing the apocalypse is soon to come, people should live a life of the first Christian communities, giving away all private possessions and stopping the practice of baptising newborns, as only an adult could make a conscious decision to receive the sacrament. Thus, the movement of the Anabaptists was born11.
The new protestant fraction spread through the Holy Roman Empire like fire, leading to peasantry revolts12. The Anabaptists were deemed heretics, prosecuted, tortured, and burned on stakes by both the Lutherans and Catholics.
Jan Luyken (1649–1712), the author of the etching above, converted to the Anabaptist church himself, at age 2613. Anneken Hendriks is only one of 104 copper etchings that illustrated the 1685 edition of Martyr’s Mirror by Thieleman J. van Braght, a fellow anabaptist poet14. Publication documented the defenceless Christians who baptized only upon confession of faith, and who suffered and died for the testimony of Jesus, their Saviour, from the time of Christ to the year A.D. 166015. The book is still the second most important book after the Bible to the modern Anabaptists16.
One of the Anabaptist leaders was a Friesian named Menno Simons (1496–1561)17. The followers of Simons, called Mennonites, shared a vast majority of the anabaptist beliefs. They rejected infant baptism, believed in the equality of all people, and rejected any kind of formal clergy. Having just experienced the deaths of their fellow co-religionists18, they additionally believed in a pacifistic approach, which in practice meant total rejection of military service19.
Regardless of their pacifism, the state repressions did not cease. Under the influence of Charles V, the king of Spain, a decree was published in the Netherlands, forcing the Mennonites to emigrate20.
What have they found
In the port city of Gdańsk (Poland), 930 kilometres away, the city council was making every effort to subdue Żuławy, a wetland area of the Vistula delta to the south of the city21. The council was conscious of the potential of the local earth, which was highly fertile but was known to be perpetually flooded. Previous attempts at developing villages in the area failed miserably, with all the villagers fleeing in desperation after the first flood, so that pauci aut nulli reliqui permanserunt22.
Gdańsk stayed in vivid business contact with Amsterdam and other port cities in the Netherlands as a middleman in the wheat trade. In 1547 the Gdańsk city council decided to send their representative to the Netherlands to find colonists there for the Żuławy area. Similar decisions were partaken by the neighbouring town of Elbląg and by the local clergy landowners23.
Mennonite villagers from the Netherlands agreed, were brought to Poland by sea, and soon were located in abandoned villages in Żuławy. The Gdańsk city council reported triumphantly to the Polish king in 1555: these Hollanders, in a short space of time, accomplished a wonderful dryness of the fields so that instead of pitiful fields we now have 27 acres of rent. So much, so that when before from that village we collected no more than 39 marks a year, now we take one hundred and 8 marks per year24.
Additional proof for the existence of Mennonite colonies in the region was that in 1549, Menno Simons himself visited Gdańsk to help organise and resolve problems of the freshly established church25. Dutch settlements quickly spread over the Vistula delta and started moving up the river, as far as reaching Warsaw in 162926.
What made the Dutch so effective and attractive for the landowners to locate them on their properties, was their skill in drying out the wetlands27. Settlers used a whole repertoire of different techniques to subordinate the water - forming a network of irrigation canals, often serving as field borders, forming long chains of dykes to protect against sudden floods28, planting willows and poplars, which made drying of marshes easier, and erecting specially woven fences to hold back the residues and sands carried by the river29. The mastery of field fertilization among the population of the Lowlands might have also come from the popularity of specialist literature. The universality of the print made it not only limited to the highest levels of society but also to the common folk, who could become acquainted with this knowledge either directly or through available abstracts30.
The new settlers were also skilful technicians, able to construct hydrotechnical devices and windmills31. The latter were more elaborate than those known to the locals, who knew only about a post mill type of a construction. In the settlements, new types were being bult: paltroks, smock mills and tower mills32.
An extraordinary example of such a construction is a smock mill in Palczewo (20 km from Gdańsk), built in the year 180033. The mill has an octangular body made of brick, and a shingle wood head. It has five stories and an attic. It was used until 1956, and since then, it has entered the Polish monument register and is protected.
How they lived
Migration from the Netherlands resulted in an emergence of a new village population, that – to differentiate it from the previous German colonies34 – started to be called Olędrzy (Olendrzy)35. The name stems from how the Dutch have been called in Polish, which is Holendrzy. At the time, The Netherlands was known to the Polish only as Holland (Pol. Holandia)36. Olenders were not only unique by their ancestry and religion, but also their separate legal and economic status.
This status was formed as early as the 16th century as "Dutch law" or "Olender law" based on solutions of the first location made with the migrants from the Netherlands. The settlement contracts were lease contracts negotiated and concluded with all members of the community. They were setting Olenders' rights and obligations37. Agreements of this kind concluded in the Polish lands from the 16th to the 19th century can be counted in thousands38. Although they were created in different periods, in different areas and on properties belonging to different owners, they usually contained similar arrangements that allow us to look at the essence of the "Olender law"39.
The Dutch have always remained free tenants of their farms, while the rural population in this time was deprived of such rights, with their fate often close to slavery: And the Dutch, says the contract with Dutch settlers from 1724, are to be people not only free of themselves, but freed and free from all slavery of conscription40. The Dutchman was a free man and could leave the farm by finding another settler in his place. He was not obliged to renew the lease contract after his expiration (usually the contracts lasted for 40 years41), he could choose for his children whatever occupation he liked. In the era of the oppression of the Polish peasantry, this was a remarkable position to be in.
Moreover, Olenders had a freedom to trade with their own manufactured products (they were known as manufacturers of delicious hams, confitures and cheeses42), were democratically self-governed, and could deal with petty crimes on their own, with bigger issues, such as criminal crimes, to be judged directly by the lord’s court43. Most importantly however, the majority of Olenders were free to practice their own religion, build schools and hire teachers, which allowed them to keep themselves separate, preserve their language, and resist polonization44.
This preserved individuality can be seen in the way Olenders built their houses. Houses of Olenders are a highly unusual view in a Polish landscape, as arcades can hardly be seen in this type of building. The House nr 4 in Trutnowice is one of such examples and is one of the most astonishing arcaded houses in whole Żuławy. It was built by a Dutch architect Peter Lettahn as a commission for Georg Basener in 1720-172645. What strikes immediate attention is the highly ornamental timber framing used at the façade, which is also unique only to this region for Poland.
What is left from them
From the second half of the 17th and in the 18th century, the term “Olender” lost its initial meaning and started to refer merely to the legal grounds of a village location. Thus, the ethnicities and religions of the Olender colonisation started to change. From this point on, the majority of settlers consisted of Germans, Polish, and Czechs, and the descendants of the old Dutch immigrants and Mennonites were a small minority46. The locations on the Olender law continued up till 19th century.
From 1527 to 1864, at least 1700 Olender villages were located on the territory of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Of this number, at least 300 were partly or wholly made up of Ethnic Dutch Mennonites and their descendants.
After the partitions of Poland (1795), most of the Mennonite villages came under Prussian rule. The internal politics of the Empire and its militarism were in conflict with Mennonite Olenders, who opposed service in the army. Followers of Menno Simons were limited in buying new grounds and were forced to pay additional fees47. Many of them, like their XVI century ancestors, left to find their Nieuw Holland elsewhere. Some accepted an invitation from the Emperess Catharina II48 and settled in Russia (today’s Ukraine), while some moved to the nearby region of Mazovia, today’s Poland.
There's something excruciatingly melancholic about the 19th-century photographs of the Mennonites. For 400 years have they now been expecting the Apocalypse, that have never come. They’ve been trying to live their humble lives, fulfilling their daily chores, wearing modest clothes, living in their small settlements, in isolation from the surrounding world, using a long-forgotten language, preserving what they perhaps deeply remembered from the times nearly half a millennium ago. They’ve been prosecuted by every state they found themselves in – the eternal wanderers are they indeed.
What happened to the Mennonites later? After the First and Second World Wars most of them moved to the Americas and Canada49. Small Mennonite groups are still present today.
The influence the Mennonites had on the Polish culture and history is still up for a debate. After the Transformation in 1989, the interest in the Mennonite culture has been raising50. The regions marked with Mennonite presence are using this heritage for their branding and promotion51. The ancient Olender cemeteries are taken care of, now, after years of abundance52, all covered in moss.
Wymysoü
Wilamowice is a small town in the Oświęcim county, south Poland, formed in the 13th century by settlers of a Germanic, though not an entirely specific origin. Through 800 years, the town has preserved their own identity, language, and folk costume53. The local legend, known to all citizens of Wilamowice, has it that the first settlers were Flemish, with their leader being a mythical Wilhelm, hence the name of the town54.
In 1977 the Dutch television visited the town, and produced a documentary55 seen here. Filmmakers decided to show the historical context of Wilamowice, but what is especially intriguing about it is that the documentary is one of the rare recordings of the Vilamovian language (Wymysorys) – in the film we can see elderly Vilamovian women (00:20:15), having a conversation, as well as a Vilamovian family (00:12:48) using the language in a domestic context. Recorded users must have been born before the II World War, making them one of the last witnesses to the times when Vilamovian was the first, natural language for the citizens of Wilamowice.
After the II World War, due to the suppressions of the German-like speaking community, the knowledge transfer has been disrupted. Polish replaced Vilamovian as the first language in the area, and its native language was being forgotten by the post-war generations56.
Only after 1989 Wilamowice received main-stream attention and accurate research into the language has been done57. Local activists are trying to revive the endangered Vilamovian58. Is it Dutch, as the local legend would suggest? According to the researchers of the subject – Wymysorys has affinities with Old Low German, and also contains elements of Old High German. The characteristic, vibrant folk costumes developed as late as in the XVIII and XIX centuries, which would reject the Flemish myth whatsoever59. However, as researcher Maria Lipok-Bierwiaczonek points out: Vilamovians are a community that constitutes a particular cultural case60, regardless of their ’true’ ethnicity.
1 na het geen: naar de plaats waarheen. All the notes for this section come from: Joost Van Den Vondel, Gysbreght van Aemstel, ed. Mieke B. Smits-Veldt (Amsterdam, Amsterdam University Press, 1994), p. 107 [lines 1855-1860].
2 genoeghelijck: op lieflijke wijze.
3 Verhou u: blijf.
4 bergh: top.
5 Van Den Vondel, Gysbreght van Aemstel.
6 Transl. to Polish from Dutch by: Piotr Oczko, W Najdroższej Holandyjej… Szkice o Siedemnastowiecznym Dramacie i Kulturze Niderlandzkiej, Cracow, 2009, p. 88-89.
7 Private conversation between the author and Gert Jan Pos.
8 Rafał Szmytka, “Osadnictwo Olęderskie Na Żuławach w Ujęciu Historii Środowiskowej. Perspektywy Badawcze,” Historyka. Studia Metodologiczne 46 (January 1, 2016), p. 66.
9 Object number: RP-P-OB-44.296, Rijksmuseum.nl. http://hdl.handle.net/10934/RM0001.COLLECT.143137
10 Wojciech Sady, Dzieje religii, filozofii i nauki. Tom 3. Od Pico della Mirandoli do Miguela Serveta, 2010, p. 79.
11 The Siege of Munster, In Our Time, host: Melvyn Bragg, guests: Diarmaid MacCulloch, Lucy Wooding, Charlotte Methuen, BBC Radio 4 podcast, 2009. https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b00nkqrv
12 Wojciech Marchlewski, “Mennonici w Polsce (o Powstaniu Społeczności Mennonitów Wymyśla Nowego),” Etnografia Polska 30, no. 2 (1986): p. 139.
13 Jan Luyken, Des Menschen Begin, Midden En Einde, ed. Arentz and Vander Sys (Utrecht: Fotomechanische herdruk De Banier, 1977), p. XV. https://www.dbnl.org/tekst/luyk001desm01_01/index.php
14 Martyrs Mirror Images in: Mennonite Library and Archives, Bethel College, North Newton, Kansas. https://mla.bethelks.edu/holdings/scans/martyrsmirror/
15 Full title of the Martyr’s Mirror - De Martelaersspiegel: Het bloedig toneel, of Martelaersspiegel der Doops-Gesinde of Weerloose Christenen, die om 't getuygenis van Jesus haren (hun) Salighmaker geleden hebben ende gedood zijn van Christi tijd af tot desen tijd toe. Thieleman J. Van Braght, The Bloody Theater, or, Martyrs Mirror, trans. Joseph F. Sohm, Project Gutenberg, 2021. https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/65855/
16 “Martyrs Mirror,” in: Wikipedia, April 17, 2021, accessed June 2, 2023. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Martyrs_Mirror
17 Marchlewski, “Mennonici w Polsce”, p. 130.
18 During the Münster rebellion. Marchlewski, “Mennonici w Polsce”, p. 129.
19 Marchlewski, “Mennonici w Polsce”, p. 131.
20 Marchlewski, “Mennonici w Polsce”, p. 132; Ignacy Tadeusz Baranowski, “Wsie Holenderskie Na Ziemiach Polskich,” Przegląd Historyczny 19, no. 1 (1915): p. 65. http://bazhum.muzhp.pl/media//files/Przeglad_Historyczny/Przeglad_Historyczny-r1915-t19-n1/Przeglad_Historyczny-r1915-t19-n1-s64-82/Przeglad_Historyczny-r1915-t19-n1-s64-82.pdf
21 Baranowski, “Wsie Holenderskie Na Ziemiach Polskich.”, p. 65
22 pauci aut nulli reliqui permaserunt: [Latin] few or none remained. Fragment of a letter from the Gdańsk city council to the Polish king Sigismund II Augustus from 1555, in: Baranowski, “Wsie Holenderskie Na Ziemiach Polskich.”, p. 65; Baranowski quotes after: Felicia Szper, Nederlandsche Nederzettingen In West-Pruisen Gedurende Den Poolschen Tijd. Enkhuizen: P. Bais, 1913.
23 Wojciech Marchlewski, Mennonici. Życie codzienne od kuchni (Muzeum Pałacu Króla Jana III w Wilanowie, 2013), p. 17.
24 ”perfecerunt Hollandi isti exiguo temporis spatio mirabilem agrorum siccitatem, ut pro desperatis agris haberemus XXVII jugera censualia. Adeo ut cum ante ex pago illo non amplius XXXIX marcis anni census interciperemus, nunc centum et VIII marcas annuae capiamus“. Fragment of a letter from the Gdańsk city council to the Polish king Sigismund II Augustus from 1555, in: Baranowski, “Wsie Holenderskie Na Ziemiach Polskich.”, p. 66. Translated by: Google.
25 Marchlewski, “Mennonici w Polsce”, p. 132.
26 Baranowski, “Wsie Holenderskie Na Ziemiach Polskich.”, p. 68.
27 Edmund Kizik, Mennonici w Gdańsku, Elblągu i Na Żuławach Wiślanych w Drugiej Połowie XVII i w XVIII Wieku. Studium z Dziejów Małej Społeczności Wyznaniowej (Gdańsk, 1996), p. 55.
28 Michał Targowski, “Osadnictwo Olęderskie w Polsce – Jego Rozwój i Specyfika,” in Olędrzy - Osadnicy Znad Wisły. Sąsiedzi Bliscy i Obcy, ed. Andrzej Pabian and Michał Targowski (Fundacja Ośrodek Inicjatyw Społecznych ANRO, 2016), p. 23. https://www.academia.edu/31748057/Micha%C5%82_Targowski_Osadnictwo_ol%C4%99derskie_w_Polsce_jego_rozw%C3%B3j_i_specyfika_in_Ol%C4%99drzy_osadnicy_znad_Wis%C5%82y_S%C4%85siedzi_bliscy_i_obcy_ed_by_A_Pabian_M_Targowski_Fundacja_O%C5%9Brodek_Inicjatyw_Spo%C5%82ecznych_ANRO_Toru%C5%84_2016_s_11_26?source=swp_share
29 Targowski, “Osadnictwo Olęderskie w Polsce – Jego Rozwój i Specyfika.”, p. 25
30 Rafał Szmytka, “Osadnictwo Olęderskie Na Żuławach w Ujęciu Historii Środowiskowej. Perspektywy Badawcze,” Historyka. Studia Metodologiczne 46 (January 1, 2016): p. 72. https://journals.pan.pl/Content/100553/PDF/Historyka%2046_5%20Szmytka.pdf
31 Targowski, “Osadnictwo Olęderskie w Polsce – Jego Rozwój i Specyfika.”, p. 25
32 Polish: Paltrak, wiatrak holender, wiatrak wieżowy. Emilia Habecka, “Geneza i Rozwój Wiatraków Typu Paltrak Na Ziemiach Polskich,” Młoda Muzeologia 2 (2017): p. 173. http://repozytorium.ur.edu.pl/handle/item/4165
33 Anna Dobiegała, “Zabytkowy Wiatrak Na Żuławach Na Sprzedaż. Cena: 450 Tys. Zł,” Gazeta Wyborcza Trójmiasto, November 18, 2015, accessed June 2, 2023. https://trojmiasto.wyborcza.pl/trojmiasto/7,35612,19202321,zabytkowy-wiatrak-na-zulawach-na-sprzedaz-cena-450-tys-zl.html
34 Which included the Flemish as well.
35 Plural form: Olędrzy, Olendrzy; singular form: Olęder, Olender. Compare to Polish Holender: a Dutch man, Holendrzy: the Dutch. For the sake of clarity, I’ll use the englishised forms of the plural: Olenders, and of an ajdective: olender (p.e. law), instead of olenderski (p.e. law).
36 Szmytka, “Osadnictwo Olęderskie Na Żuławach w Ujęciu Historii Środowiskowej. Perspektywy Badawcze.”, p. 65.
37 Baranowski, “Wsie Holenderskie Na Ziemiach Polskich.”, p. 71.
38 Targowski, “Osadnictwo Olęderskie w Polsce – Jego Rozwój i Specyfika.”, p. 16.
39 Targowski, “Osadnictwo Olęderskie w Polsce – Jego Rozwój i Specyfika.”, p. 16
40 Baranowski, “Wsie Holenderskie Na Ziemiach Polskich.”, p. 71.
41 Quote from a contract between a Dybowski landowner and Olenders from villages Wielka Nieszawka and Mała Nieszawka from 18 VI 1763 r., National Archive in Toruń, Wielka i Mała Nieszawka’s community acts, nr 2., In: Baranowski, “Wsie Holenderskie Na Ziemiach Polskich.”, p. 73.
42 In 1769, the owner of two Olender villages, Jan Czapski, writing to his villagers regarding taxes, mentions briefly that “the great cheeses are not being forgotten“, Gdańsk PAN Library, Ms. 1330, k. 72, In: Targowski, “Osadnictwo Olęderskie w Polsce – Jego Rozwój i Specyfika.”, p. 23
43 Targowski, “Osadnictwo Olęderskie w Polsce – Jego Rozwój i Specyfika.”, p. 17
44 Targowski, “Osadnictwo Olęderskie w Polsce – Jego Rozwój i Specyfika.”, p. 20
45 Dom Podcieniowy w Trutnowach, YouTube upload, 2019. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rtaGBJMYaKE
46 Targowski, “Osadnictwo Olęderskie w Polsce – Jego Rozwój i Specyfika.”, p. 14; Baranowski, “Wsie Holenderskie Na Ziemiach Polskich.”, p. 70.
47 Targowski, “Osadnictwo Olęderskie w Polsce – Jego Rozwój i Specyfika.”, p. 15
48 Who promised them a discharge from army service and religious tolerance in exchange for a colonisation of the steppes by the Volga and Dnieper rivers. Marchlewski, Mennonici. Życie Codzienne Od Kuchni, p. 29; Targowski, “Osadnictwo Olęderskie w Polsce – Jego Rozwój i Specyfika.”, p. 15
49 Marchlewski, “Mennonici w Polsce”, p. 143.
50 Aleksandra Paprot, “Swoi Czy Nadal Obcy? Działania Na Rzecz Promocji Menonitów w Oczach Współczesnych Mieszkańców Żuław i Powiśla” in Olędrzy - Osadnicy Znad Wisły. Sąsiedzi Bliscy i Obcy, ed. Andrzej Pabian and Michał Targowski (Fundacja Ośrodek Inicjatyw Społecznych ANRO, 2016), p. 140. https://www.academia.edu/31748057/Micha%C5%82_Targowski_Osadnictwo_ol%C4%99derskie_w_Polsce_jego_rozw%C3%B3j_i_specyfika_in_Ol%C4%99drzy_osadnicy_znad_Wis%C5%82y_S%C4%85siedzi_bliscy_i_obcy_ed_by_A_Pabian_M_Targowski_Fundacja_O%C5%9Brodek_Inicjatyw_Spo%C5%82ecznych_ANRO_Toru%C5%84_2016_s_11_26?source=swp_share
51 Paprot, “Swoi Czy Nadal Obcy? Działania Na Rzecz Promocji Menonitów w Oczach Współczesnych Mieszkańców Żuław i Powiśla”, p. 143.
52 Bolesław Klein, ”Refleksje na tle I i II Zjazdu Mennonitów oraz udziału Klubu Nowodworskiego w ochronie cmentarzy mennonickich”, All-Poland conference. Olędrzy and their heritage in Poland. History, state of preservation. conservation, Toruń, 11-13 Octover 2001. http://holland.org.pl/art.php?kat=art&dzial=konf_2001&id=toc&lang=pl
53 Tymoteusz Król, “Czym Jest Dla Dzisiejszych Wilamowian Język Wilamowski? Różne Funkcje, Różne Postawy Językowe,” Łódzkie Studia Etnograficzne 55 (December 30, 2016): p. 243. https://doi.org/10.12775/lse.2016.55.12
54 Maria Lipok-Bierwiaczonek, “Wilamowice: Mit Flamandzki, Stereotypy i Rzeczywistość Kulturowa,” Studia Etnologiczne I Antropologiczne 6 (2002), p. 179. https://bazhum.muzhp.pl/media//files/Studia_Etnologiczne_i_Antropologiczne/Studia_Etnologiczne_i_Antropologiczne-r2002-t6/Studia_Etnologiczne_i_Antropologiczne-r2002-t6-s175-188/Studia_Etnologiczne_i_Antropologiczne-r2002-t6-s175-188.pdf
55 prod. Frans Puttemans, 1977. https://youtu.be/ibUn82Odjpo
56 Król, “Czym Jest Dla Dzisiejszych Wilamowian Język Wilamowski? Różne Funkcje, Różne Postawy Językowe,”, p. 242.
57 Lipok-Bierwiaczonek, “Wilamowice: Mit Flamandzki, Stereotypy i Rzeczywistość Kulturowa.”, p. 178.
58 Tymoteusz Król, “Życie Ze Śmiercią Języka. Pisanie Jako Rodzaj Terapii. Przypadek Wilamowski – Mój Przypadek,” Litteraria Copernicana, no. 2(30)/ (June 28, 2019): 213. https://doi.org/10.12775/lc.2019.030
59 Lipok-Bierwiaczonek, “Wilamowice: Mit Flamandzki, Stereotypy i Rzeczywistość Kulturowa.”, p. 172, 183
60 Lipok-Bierwiaczonek, “Wilamowice: Mit Flamandzki, Stereotypy i Rzeczywistość Kulturowa.”, p. 179
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soundtrack for the essay
A young man accompanied by Wilamowian women, Wilamowice, 1930s. From a private collection. https://strojeludowe.net/stroje/wilamowski/wilamowski_2/#4